NO BORDERS IN THE WORKERS' STRUGGLE

By Milt Neidenberg

Free trade is just a bankers' and politicians' term for freedom to exploit across any border.

The bankers behind the plan for a Free Trade Area of the  Americas being presented at the Summit of the Americas in  Quebec City are based on Wall Street. Their enforcers are in  Washington--both the politicians and the bankers' political  fronts, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank

Like generals preparing for battle, the bankers have lined  up their forces in an attempt to crush any opposition to  their plan.

They have failed to stop the opposition, however, which is  growing stronger and louder with each day. Just as the  bankers want to be "free" to cross any border they want, the  workers of the Americas are demonstrating that there are no  borders in workers' struggles or solidarity.

The public is barred from the summit talks on the FTAA, to which 34 governments from the Western Hemisphere--all but  Cuba--have been invited. The secret deal being worked out is  reportedly based on the North American Free Trade Agreement,  which has been devastating, especially for the workers of  Mexico.

Over 2 million workers were displaced in Mexico in the first  two years of NAFTA, according to a study on its impact by  Molly Scott at the University of Washington. Displaced means  that workers with good full-time jobs lost them. Most ended  up with part time or day-labor-type jobs paying below the  minimum wage.

In Canada, during the first year of NAFTA, 250,000 jobs were  lost completely.

In the U.S., about half a million jobs have been lost  because of NAFTA, according to the Economic Policy  Institute. The impact was much wider though. During the  first three years of NAFTA, some 8.6 million workers were  displaced because of plant closings, that is, they lost good full-time jobs and were forced into unemployment or lesser  jobs. Half of the displaced workers were in the apparel and  textile trades. Many of these displacements were because of  NAFTA. Many of the apparel and textile plants moved to  Mexico, where the mass of unemployed workers were offered  jobs at a pay rate one-eighth or less what was being paid by  the same companies in the U.S., according to Scott.

The FTAA is NAFTA, and worse.

NAFTA's harsh effects on the Indigenous peoples in the  Chiapas region sparked the Zapatista rebellion in Mexico.

NAFTA's conditions have sparked many labor struggles. One  was led by Juan Tovar Santos, an assembly line worker from  an Alcoa plant in Mexico. Tovar went to Pittsburgh in 1996  to Alcoa's annual shareholders' meeting and confronted the  chief executive about working conditions in Alcoa factories  in Mexico

Alcoa's chief executive at that time, Paul O'Neill, is now  George W. Bush's secretary of the treasury.

The Alcoa factory is in Acuna, one of many towns that have  boomed up on the U.S.-Mexico border since NAFTA. As in the  other border towns, all the companies are U.S. owned. They  pay little or no taxes so the schools are falling apart, the  hospital can barely stay open, the sewage system has  collapsed and many people live in cardboard "houses."

Tovar described the workers' conditions. A toxic gas leak  left a hundred workers hospitalized. Managers were stationed  to watch workers in the bathroom to make sure they didn't  use more than three pieces of tissue.

Last spring, some 60 workers from the same factory where  Tovar works confronted another Alcoa official. It was a rare  appearance by one of the company bosses from the U.S. The  workers asked why O'Neill got a $33-million Christmas bonus,  when they were each paid only a $40 bonus. The anxious  official promised an "investigation" and quickly ran away  across the border.

While NAFTA means no borders for the bosses, it does not  mean that workers can follow their bosses across the border.

After five months of waiting with no answer from the U.S.  bosses, hundreds of Alcoa workers walked out of two  factories. The police attacked the workers and the company  fired them. The strike began to spread until finally the  company agreed to negotiate. Some of the fired workers were  rehired and the company undertook a "study" of conditions.  In November, after declaring the study was completed, Alcoa  gave the Mexican workers their first raise in nine years.

The labor struggles along the U.S.-Mexico border are  spreading. This is the front line of the battle against  globalization. It is a class struggle that goes beyond the  borders. And it lays the basis for potential unity between  the oppressed workers of this hemisphere and the tens of  thousands of anti-globalization protesters who will take to  the streets to march on the bankers' closed-door meeting in  Quebec City.

The 2.3 million-member Canadian Labor Congress will be one  of the leading voices in Quebec City. Labor will be  welcoming the protesters.

Labor in the United States is also speaking out against the  FTAA. The Longshore and Warehouse Union, well known for its  progressive history and militant stands, has denounced the  FTAA and is supporting the protests.

The AFL-CIO Executive Council passed a resolution at a  recent meeting in Los Angeles that in part called "on our  members to make their voices heard in Quebec City as part of  the international actions, and join in partnership with Jobs  With Justice and other allies in communities across the  country." Teamsters, steelworkers and other labor unionists  have also passed resolutions and are planning to join the  protests.

Truly, a new phase of the global class struggle is  unfolding.

 

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